The Guardian view on Donald Trump’s tariffs: a spectacle of wrestle and management

[ad_1] D onald Trump has in all probability not learn a lot Michel Foucault. However he seems to embody the French thinker’s declare that “politics is the continuation of warfare by different means”. Nowhere is that this extra obvious than in his fondness for tariffs. He presents taxing overseas imports as a technique to rebuild the American financial system in favour of blue-collar staff left behind by free commerce and globalisation. But he plainly thinks that politics just isn't about fact or justice. It's about leverage and supremacy.

Britain is studying first-hand that Mr Trump, together with his us-versus-them framing and style for spectacle, is an unintentional Foucauldian – utilizing tariffs as instruments of loyalty and dominance, even towards allies. If Mr Trump follows via on his risk to impose a 20% tariff on all imports, UK development will endure. The impact is determined by the response. No British retaliation would imply GDP 0.4% decrease this 12 months and 0.6% subsequent. A worldwide commerce warfare would push that to 0.6% and 1%. Both final result would wipe out the federal government’s fiscal headroom. However whereas British policymakers fret over the shrinking margins of fiscal guidelines, Mr Trump sees no have to cloak energy in objectivity.

His rationale for imposing tariffs is confused. However two issues seem like driving this. One is his self-styled picture as the final word dealmaker; the person who can flip any state of affairs to his benefit. The opposite is his view of politics as a method for structuring society to favour one group over one other – not simply economically, however by way of legitimacy and who defines actuality. Tariffs will in all probability be lifted if nations accede to Mr Trump’s needs and, in doing so, reward politically helpful constituencies, large tech allies or his rich donors.

All three are seen in a paper-thin UK–US “financial deal”, prone to outcome within the lifting of Trump’s tariffs – if the US indicators it. It, reportedly, would additional open British markets to US agribusiness; finish the digital providers tax, which applies to firms equivalent to Amazon and Google; and make it tough to carry AI firms, like these owned by Mr Trump’s ally Elon Musk, chargeable for hurt. The hazard is that at any time when there’s a grievance, Mr Trump threatens tariffs – then provides to raise them if you happen to do what he desires.

It’s much more blatant with the EU, which is anticipated to tremendous Apple and Meta underneath its digital competitors guidelines. After backing Mr Trump early, Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg is now calling in a favour – urging the administration to fold his combat with Brussels into the tariff plans, casting regulation as simply one other entrance within the commerce warfare.

What makes Mr Trump’s “Liberation Day” so harmful is its scale. In 2024, the US ran a $1.2tn commerce items deficit. Solely two months from his White Home return, Mr Trump has imposed tariffs on items from Canada, Mexico, China, all metal and aluminium imports, and overseas automobiles and auto components. Subsequent up: associates in Asia, together with Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, India and Vietnam.

What emerges is much less commerce coverage than efficiency politics – the place coercion, loyalty and theatre converge. That is Foucault not in footnotes however in motion: energy exercised not via guidelines, however via disruption and dealmaking that rewards fealty and punishes defiance. Britain, like others, is navigating a battlefield. The US president is not any pupil of Foucault however he appears to grasp the lesson. For him, warfare isn’t the choice to politics. It's politics.

Do you might have an opinion on the problems raised on this article? If you want to submit a response of as much as 300 phrases by e-mail to be thought of for publication in our letters part, please click on right here.